Wednesday, March 4, 2009

LKP: Intenses luttes de classe en Guadeloupe. "Carib creole one", analisys.

LKP: Intense fighting class in Guadeloupe 04.03.2009 by Faouzi Elmir l 07h13 GUADELOUPE. Pointe-à-Pitre. Wednesday 04 March 2009. ( - Faouzi Elmir born 1952, studied law and philosophy, is (a graduate of the Institute 'Political Studies and PhD in political sociology. Author and editor of a dozen books including, "a essay on human settlement, "but also" Dawn of scientific cosmology, the origin of medieval science.Actuellement director of the Bulletin of the International.
caribcreole The analysis for the social movement which took place in Guadeloupe.
On 20 January 2009, the LKP, the movement against excessive exploitation, (in Creole, Liyannaj Kont pwofitasyon), triggered a general strike in Guadeloupe. The LKP is a collective comprising 49 trade unions and political and cultural associations. His spokesman, Elie domotique, is secretary general of the majority union of Guadeloupe, the UGTG (General Union of Guadeloupe Workers). This collective was created in December 2008 on the occasion of the first movements of protest against high prices and gasoline prices in Guadeloupe. Since then, other groups have emerged in Martinique (the collective February 5), Saint-Martin (Group of 11 February) and Reunion, with demands similar to those of the LKP. On 13 February 2009, the LKP publish a statement in which he recalled the reasons for its movement and its two demands: increasing the wages of 200 euros Guadeloupean and pwofitasyon stop the excessive exploitation. The reply of the State was, as always, play the card of rotting movement and the use of police violence. Thanks to popular mobilization, the movement of protest has continued to grow to judge by the event of February 9 at Pointe-à-Pitre, which gathered more than 100 000 Guadeloupean, ie about a quarter of the inhabitants of the island which has 400 000. The mass media of France specialized in disinformation and intoxication of the masses have sought and always try to not talk or talk the least possible movement claims Guadeloupe. In announcing its plan to support the economy, Sarkozy did not mention the social situation in Guadeloupe. And if by some miracle they talk about is to distort a social movement claims by reducing it to a struggle between the indigenous black against white settlers. While the acronym LKP speaks volumes about the primary objective of the partnership that is the struggle against colonial exploitation outrageous Guadeloupe. First, the French media did not want too talk about a social movement that lasts and is not fading over a month afterwards. It is not surprising that this lack of interest in social issues and politics in Guadeloupe when we know that the mass media both in France and in the island are in the pay of big business and that they drag their feet regarding Guadeloupean strikers. While they were present at the Lenin shipyard in Gdansk in the early hours of strikes in Poland in the summer of 1980. Recall that in June-July 1980, major media capitalist countries had landed en masse in a communist Poland to poison and misinform the western public opinion. Furthermore Free Europe and the BBC, Radio France Internationale covered minute by minute strikes by Solidarity with the lion share of the striking Polish workers. Radio France Internationale gave the impression of being the radio of Gdansk MKS or KOR Jacek Kuron. In both Rose revolutions in Georgia and Orange in Ukraine, the capitalist state media covered the minute changes in the course of events in these former Soviet republics. On the social movement and the general strike in Guadeloupe, the French have been kept in total ignorance. At this time the pet of the media in France is the trial of Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. It took the LKP shifts into high gear, ie erect so that the people of France are beginning to measure the extent of popular mobilization in Guadeloupe. It goes without saying that without the strength and toughness Guadeloupean exploited, it might have vaguely heard of strikes in this "colony départementalisée" of Guadeloupe. CLAIMS OF THE CLASS OF MOTION LKP If one seeks to understand the reasons for the outbreak of the movement LKP, we soon discovered that it is a class war led by the exploited class against class indigenous colonial exploitation. The class war is symbolized by the name of the movement LKP, an acronym has become famous and that speaks volumes about the motivations and objectives of the initiators and leaders of the collective. The Liyannaj Kont Powfitasyon or LKP means Creole Movement against excessive exploitation. This war of classes is also expressed in the slogans chanted during the demonstrations: Guadeloupe is to us (The Gwadloup sé tan nou), Guadeloupe is not to them (Peke fé sa yo yo), they will not they want in our country (Peke fé yo yo its vlé to péyi again). These slogans are directly against the white exploiters of the island, the békés, these descendants of early settlers. The enemies of the movement LKP are named, the great capitalists: the Hayot, the Despointes, the Aubery, the Loret, the Barbotteau, the Vivies, the Metayer, the group Reynoir, the Lafarge Cement, Sara, banks etc.. Moreover, in sight of LKP movement, it is not only the employers and the bourgeoisie békés but the French state is not neutral and is accused of powfitasyon providing support to employers by resources (exemption from charges, exemption from taxes, subsidies of various kinds (see the communique of LKP 13/02/2009, LKP ka deklarē: More than ever the struggle continues). To counter the movement led by the collective LKP, management has created his own movement "Movement of Entrepreneurs Guadeloupean (MEG). What we are seeing in Guadeloupe, it is a genuine class struggle and not a war of races and colors as the propaganda suggests official . LKP MOVEMENT: A NEW ART OF CLAIM LKP movement is trade unionism of France by a number of specific traits. First, the LKP is a group comprising 49 unions and associations representing all sectors of society guadeloupéenne. While the French trade union defending sectoral interests and basely material. It would never think to challenge capitalist social relations simply crumbs that employers wanted to drop. Another character of the movement LKP is the duration. The strike on 20 January by the LKP not fading hopes unlike the colonial power of France, which focused on early fatigue and decay of the movement. For more than a month, and despite all the stratagems used to break the spirit of unity of the movement, the LKP is holding and it was actually heartened by the support of tens of thousands of demonstrators who marched on Saturday 21 February Paris and Province. Another character of the movement LKP is the inseparability of the class struggle "economic" of class struggle politics. Indeed, the claims of the movement LKP are not only economic but also political. While the French unions remain confined to the purely economic. The fatal error of French trade unionism and trade unionism in general is to separate the action of political action, which is a real treat for the bourgeoisie and the dominant capitalist class. Because in between the action of political action, the bourgeoisie and the capitalist class can dominate his opponents easily in the class divided into a myriad of chapels and churches that cancel each other. Obviously, the enemy of the French labor movement is not only the bourgeoisie but the unions themselves that are the cause of degeneration of the labor movement in the capitalist states. The unions have become "social partners", ie the co-managers of capitalist social relations. This horse union has undermined the fighting spirit of the labor movement and stunted its force against the bourgeoisie and the capitalist class. The union bureaucracies think defending the interests of workers with the bla bla and screaming during the processions of the Bastille in the Republic. How is it possible to separate the action of political action, the political party of the union when in fact the class struggle was already beginning to the factory gate or the office? Since the class struggle originates in production itself, we can not say that the class struggle "economic" ends where the class struggle politics. The struggle for advantage or economic right is in itself a political conscience, even if the political implications or partial remains elusive. Conversely, any political objective economic advantage implies a more or less conscious. This coexistence and co-action of economic and political movement Guadelupian very well received and implemented on the ground by linking its economic demands, the 200 euros to the questioning of capitalist social relations that are led to excessive exploitation. As rightly explains sociologist and observer of the evolution of this conflict, Patricia Braflan-Trobo, the stakes of the struggle between the MEG (the employers' organization) and the LKP is not only economic, ie 200 euros demanded by the strikers but also political, because they go beyond mere economic claim also requesting the abolition of capitalist social relations and a system of capitalist and colonial domination lasting since 1635 and who benefits (hence the term Creole profitasyon) to a caste of white Creoles and békés. The strikers will therefore Guadeloupean beyond 200 euros, because they also call into question the capitalist social relations and how to distribute the wealth produced by a population that is of African or Indian. Through this unprecedented mobilization, the islanders have made it clear they want more than charity or public benefit called "flies". What they want basically, it is neither more nor less than their right to appropriate the wealth they helped produce themselves over generations. Behind the 200 euros, which is certainly an economic claim, there is undoubtedly a clear political objective, that of ending a capitalist system which is against the people guadeloupéenne. This policy objective has been clearly stated by the main leaders of the LKP, Elie domotique, Flemin Felix, Jean Marie Nomertin who believe that their collection is the product of social and economic situation of colonial and the platform for their organization is anything other than a primary anti. The movement seeks LKP certainly denounce the "pwofitasyons" generated by the colonial capitalist system but also a political project aimed at establishing a new mode of consumption and the return to human values of solidarity and brotherhood among men. FUTURE OF MOVEMENT LKP After a month's general strike and popular mobilization, the movement is beginning to worry LKP seriously the power and the capitalist state in France. The deployment of more police squads of police officers and staff belonging to the intelligence services is a sign that the colonial state was preparing for the battle and suppression of movement LKP. If we try to understand what has happened in Guadeloupe for over a month, we realize that the movement LKP resembles in many ways, the movement of May 68. Successfully mobilize as one man all sectors of society guadeloupéenne the LKP has foiled the strategy of the dominant class, that of sectoralized social space as well-known divide and conquer. For a class dominates the other social classes, it must satisfy two conditions: a) the classes dominated inculcate the idea of the naturalness of the world in which they live, b) divide the social space in a string of autonomous areas, fragmented and separated from each other. Inculcating the classes dominated his own world view, the dominant class seeks to involve them in managing their own domination. Indicates that this brainwashing has been successful is when the dominated classes are beginning to see the world in which they live as normal as long as things are for them this and not otherwise. Tant que dure la domination, l’horizon des classes dominées est limité, les objets ordinaires ne les questionnent pas et elles ne prennent même pas la peine de se demander si ce monde là, celui des classes dominées, n’est pas plutôt un monde built and tailored to serve the purposes of a ruling class. The second condition for a class dominates the other classes is the sectorization of the social space. At vari ie, no power can not prevail without the division of social space in a myriad of fragmented and autonomous areas. It must do everything to keep it as long as possible sectorization and fragmentation of social space, because the greatest threat to any power is the opening of the opening and the désectorisation. It is this isolation and this désectorisation that give rise to multi-mobilizations and thus revolts and revolutions. All the great revolutions in history have started the process of opening désectorisation and social space. To cope with multisectoral mobilization, the authority must do everything, because it is its own survival, to re-sectoralized social space by breaking the cross-sectoral channels and limiting the maximum flow between various sectors communicants. To thwart a revolt or a revolution, the power must maneuver to try to lock again the old men in their sectoral and therefore sectarian. This task is usually entrusted to the traditional political parties and trade unions to play the role of re-sectorization and partitioning of social space. Consider two examples. First instance, to bring down the communist regimes, the capitalists have used the strategy of economic désectorisation of space for social movements aimed at cutting off and sweeping the communist governments in place. During the summer of 1980, the capitalists have done everything to the movement of strikes that were originally located in Warsaw, the Polish capital to spread faster to other areas and other cities in the Poland. Thanks to the misinformation and rumors, they have won their bet by désectorisant Polish society, as the strikes had spread Lenin shipyards of Gdansk to other areas, other cities and other regions Poland. By practicing the strategy of désectorisation social space, the capitalist states were allowed to mobilize multisectoral and it was the fall of communist regime. Second example. In May 1968 the French government had done everything to prevent the movement of protest from spreading outside the capital, Paris. Technology and tactics of power at the time were to re-sectoralized social space through the CGT and the Communist Party to separate strikes in the industry and workers of Renault in the student movement. His success in the student movement out of the labor movement through trade unions and political parties, the government managed to re-sectoralized social space through the intervention of the CGT and the Communist Party. The end of the movement of May 68 was the signing of the accords de Grenelle, which broke the momentum of multisectoral mobilization initially met students and workers. Thanks to the CGT and the Communist Party of France, the French capitalism has been reborn from its ashes. In recognition to the action of the CGT and the Communist Party in May 68, the French bourgeoisie would have had to erect next to the statue of his hero de Gaulle, Georges those Séguy Thorez and Mauritius. It suffices to observe that whenever the capitalist system is facing a political crisis or social, it calls into saddle political parties and trade unions who act as strikebreakers and movements. This danger of re-sectorization currently threatening the LKP movement for over a month. It is true that the leaders of LKP were hitherto relatively cautious and pragmatic in the conduct of their movement. But this pragmatism and prudence of the leaders of the LKP will they be sufficient to maintain the long-term unity and continuity of a movement that the French colonial power trying to break through the technologies and tactics of re-sectorization of space Social Guadeloupe?"Carib creole one", original in french, click here:,1054,04-03-2009-lkp-intenses-luttes-de-classe-en-guadeloupe.html

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