Friday, January 30, 2009

Letter to Palestina: "Homeland is humanity", JOSE MARTI.

Protesters carrying Turkish flags shout slogans as they wait for the arrival of Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan at Ataturk Airport in Istanbul January 30, 2009. Erdogan stormed out of a debate on the Middle East at the World Economic Forum on Thursday, saying he might never return to the annual gathering of the rich and powerful. The banner reads "Let the world see a "Prime Minister"
REUTERS/Osman OrsalErdogan stormed out of a debate on the Middle East at the World Economic Forum on Thursday, saying he might never return to the annual gathering of the rich and powerful.
REUTERS/Osman Orsal

ISTANBUL (Reuters) - Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan received a hero's welcome on his return to Istanbul on Friday after accusing Israel of "knowing very well how to kill" during a heated debate at the World Economic Forum.(Davos, Helvetia)

Watching CNN yesterday, live from Davos, Switzerland, as we saw in Turkey minister questioning the prime minister of Israel saying: "But you are killing people", and then criticize the audience applauded at Davos by the allegations of Israeli justifying war crimes in Gaza against the Palestinian people.
All this happened in the middle of a UN call for humanitarian aid to the population of Gaza, locked for months and then bombarded with bombs of phosphorous, according to some organizations, the uranium bombs,too.

If we, the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean adopted a common position, if we are silent before the United Nations in violation of the Geneva Convention, the Convention on Torture and violations of civil and human rights in Gaza and Palestine to the tragedy of the Palestinian people, their dispersion, their humiliation and poverty reduction, countersigned by the international community, offal centuries, slavery and humiliation toward Latin America and the Caribbean by the rich and powerful nations for centuries until today. Here do not fit on half-human and civil rights. The right to culture of a people.

Obviously, it is very well documented, the Palestinian people by Israel are subject to extreme poverty, reduced hunger, despair. Israel represses the Palestinians in their cultures, their language, they are arrested, tortured and confined in the worst conditions. Gaza and Palestine, and Palestinians detained by Israel urgently need it the presence of one or more rapporteurs of the UN in the field with full access to these flagrant violations of civil and human rights of the Palestinian people.

Latin American and Caribbean foreign ministries should support the presence of a special rapporteur on human rights in Gaza and let you know to the Israeli government,we would never support the violation of the Geneva Convention in the territories of Gaza and Palestine and that would never support the violation of the Convention on Torture practices in repressive Israeli forces against Palestinian youth. We do not support Hamas terrorism or any group against the people of Israel, as the minister from Turkey said in Davos, but we can never justify war crimes and torture under the banner of fighting terrorism. Never we support the slaughter of elderly Palestinian women and children, with impunity, nor can we see them as condemned to hunger and misery to disperse and weaken as a culture.

Otherwise, shut these truths by economic interests with Israel, it is hypocrisy and racism of those who call themselves Christians and Democrats.

The governments of Latin America and the Caribbean must clarify at this position of the Foreign Ministry regarding the Israeli conduct in Gaza and materially support the delivery of humanitarian aid to that region through the UN.

Homeland is humanity "Jose Marti". Gualterio Nunez Estrada, Sarasota, Florida.

Thursday, January 29, 2009

Ecuador resignation to a billion barrels of oil to save nature reserve.

About Ecuador, click here:

The image on the left shows the Transamazonian highway in Brazil shortly after it was built, the satellite image on the right shows the intense deforestation along the same road just a few years later (taken from J. Terborgh, 1992, Diversity and the Tropical Rainforest). More about Ecuador National Park,click here...:

World Social Forum, Belen, Brazil.
The president of Ecuador Rafael Correa denounced in the Brazilian Forum of Latin American countries and indigenous communities have not received the necessary financial support from rich countries in its decision to renounce trillion barrels of oil to maintain the balance of a large nature park Amazon.

To read about the declaration's background of the ecuatorian goverment,clik here:

Yasuni National Park, click here:(Amazonia)

The economy crisis around the world based on goverment self- responsabiliy.

Bosnia Herezegovina.

Govt. approves economic crisis measures
29 January 2009 09:14 -> 15:30 Source: B92, Beta
BELGRADE -- The govt. has adopted a set of measures for cushioning the impact of the economic crisis, whereby banks will approve loans to the tune of EUR 1.3bn.
Last night's meeting (Tanjug)
Prime Minister Mirko Cvetković told a press conference that the goal of these measures was growth of production and export through increased economic solvency and consumer purchasing power."The funds aren't coming from the budget, but are incentive funds that will enable bank solvency to ensure economic solvency," he said. These measures were presented on Wednesday night by Cvetković, National Bank of Serbia Governor Radovan Jelašić, Finance Minister Diana Dragutinović and Economy Minister Mlađan Dinkić to President Boris Tadić. Cvetković confirmed that measures had been prepared to support domestic production and the purchasing of domestic products. The package of measures is worth some EUR 1.3bn, and calls for state subsidies for interest that banks will charge for giving loans to exports and production that replaces imports, Cvetković told TV Pink. He said that the state would not participate in choosing specific beneficiaries for the assistance, but that it would have a say in what sectors were to supported, but that the final selection would be left to the banks themselves. Cvetković explained that the final interest rate that credit users would pay would be about six percent, 2.3 percent of which would be subsidized from the budget. Earlier, the Beta news agency reported that the measures will provide commercial banks with state assistance to approve EUR 1.3bn in loans this year. State funding will encourage banks to finance businesses, withdraw additional funds from their head offices, and get the population to buy local products by providing credit. The government's package envisages loans for subsidizing liquidity, investment, consumer loans, and credit lines that the state plans to obtain from the international financial institutions (around EUR 480mn) for financing small and medium enterprises. According to the cabinet, the first soft loans are expected to be approved in early February. Separately, the government intends to approve an additional EUR 1.6bn in loans this year to bolster the economy and mitigate the effects of the world crisis. This money will be used to ensure that interest rates do not exceed 5.5 percent per annum. The funding will cover a one-year period and could be also used for refinancing existing loans with the same banks. The cabinet will also allocate EUR 179mn for investment loans. Of this, the Development Fund will distribute 30 percent and commercial banks 70 percent. Repayment will be due in three to five years, with a grace period of between six and 12 months and annual interest approximately four percent (Euribor plus four percent). The Guarantee Fund is to guarantee 75 percent of the loans. The third measure is the direct subsidizing of consumer loans for purchasing Serbian produces, including the Fiat Puntos, farm machinery, furniture, flooring, and home appliances. As part of its bid to shore up the economy, Serbia will rely on EUR 480mn from foreign credit lines, mostly to finance small and medium enterprises.
Surce, click here:

The State in America:a dinosaur in the midst of a climate change.

Due to the geometric increase in the acceleration of the economic crisis in America, the machinery of state to resemble a dinosaur in the midst of a climate change. Despite all the attempts of President Obama to tackle a sharp drop in prices, the measures, once discussed and approved by the Senate too late and far from reality. If there is a sharp drop in prices in the U.S. dragged into the swirl Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean. The failure of market mechanisms is evident when the state of more weight in the region, Lula, of Brazil, not bother to attend the summit in Davos, a sort of reunion of questions without answers for the poor countries. For now, the Caribbean countries should be aware as poor and isolated economies Latin America and the Caribbean do not even appear on the agenda of Obama and, moreover, has not been sent an emissary to Cuba only to begin talks to normalize diplomatic relations between Washington and Havana. The Caribbean, subject to sudden weather hits, be prepared for the worst. Gualterio Nunez Estrada, Sarasota, Florida.

Native chilenian became a political party "mapuche".

The Chilean Indians called "Mapuche" have migrated to cities by 60%. Many change their names and surnames to not be discriminated against by their white employers, but the reality is changing, now try to be represented by a political party that claims as original Chilean culture.

"Without a legal and political transformation is very difficult. It took a century to Sinn Fein, but we are taking the first steps," he said. (BBC Mundo, interview
"We demand our recognition as a political force"

Interview with Mapuche leader Gustavo Quilaqueo

The Coordinating Committee of Mapuche Organizations, a group of 37 Mapuche groups from southern Chile founded in September, is urging President Michelle Bachelet to move forward with an overhaul of the country’s indigenous policy. The group sent her a proposal Jan. 4 and in the coming weeks Bachelet will travel to the region to discuss the new plan with this committee. Gustavo Quilaqueo, member of the committee’s political arm and president of the Pro Wallmapuwen Party Organization, spoke with Hernán Scandizzo, Latinamerica Press collaborator, about the expectations and challenges in the Mapuche dialogue with the government.

What issues did the Mapuche proposal to President Bachelet highlight?

It’s not a specific issue, a particular demand, the issue of poverty, but rather it has to do with the relation between the state and the Mapuche people. Law, political participation and land issues are the three main points of the proposal, which also goes into more specific issues such as the economy and education. The executive branch is one of the most important parts in the structure of the state, but — and this is something we proposed the government — we also have to talk with the judicial branch, because it applies the laws that go against Mapuche rights. This is also a legislative issue. We have to win them over, because honestly, no one is telling us "Here is the representative of the legislative branch — from both chambers — here are the people from the judiciary, here are the people from the armed forces, here are the other religious, political sectors. Let’s talk about the rights of indigenous peoples, particularly the Mapuche."

How did you get so close with the current government?

There was an important connection by some organizations with Michelle Bachelet during her election campaign, during which she promised to consider new elements in the government’s agenda, particularly the indigenous issue, and even more specifically, the Mapuche issues. After she took office, the so-called National Dialogues took place, a government initiative to discuss important issues the president’s agenda should contain. An important Mapuche sector began to converse internally and in a trawun parliament (November 10th-11th, 2006), the commitment came up to present a proposal, which we did on January 4th in the La Moneda presidential palace.

How are the National Dialogues different from other attempts promoted by previous Concertación Democrática governments, which have ruled since 1990?

There is not much difference in general terms. One difference can be that the talks with the government were not a merely electoral promise but rather President Bachelet’s conviction that this is an unresolved issue. The second element is the capacity as a movement to present this proposal with political elements, unlike other proposals that focused on more common demands: more land, more subsidies, better access to education. Here, we are demanding our recognition as a political force facing the state.The proposal goes beyond asking the states to ratify the International Labor Organization’s Convention 169 on indigenous peoples in independent countries and the constitutional recognition of the Mapuche people’s pre-existence. The ratification of Convention 169, the constitutional recognition, the Indigenous law, or that there be an indigenous ministry with a certain level of representation, in reality are not substantial things for what we are saying in this proposal, which has to do with our recognition as a valid political force, with rights and with our differences. But this is a process that will take time; it won’t happen immediately.

Will the Coordinating Committee of Mapuche Organizations’ role end in these dialogues?

The committee does not necessarily need to see itself as a new organization that is trying to represent the entire Mapuche movement. Different branches converge there, but there is a will to recognize unresolved common issues that have to do with more deeply-rooted problems. If we are able to establish some common criteria for working together, and we do it well, it will send a message to a good part of the movement that will perhaps make this the way, so that the local demands aren’t lost in the large demand.It will be a step toward continued action because the problems are historic; they’re structural problems that I don’t think can be resolved in a couple of conversations. What needs to be built today is minimum mechanisms, the minimum conditions for a longer process and this process will lay the basic principles of the Mapuche movement’s political action. If we are capable of sustaining these principles we will advance in participatory processes. We are saying that in no more than two or three years the Mapuche will have proposed a new agenda with real possibilities of achieving some objectives.
The Mapuche sectors that are not participating in the dialogue say that the committee is an invention of the Concertación Democrática government.Recognizing that this process came about from a call from the state and the fact that it’s not so autonomous, our response is that this is an intermediate response toward a situation in which there will be greater levels of autonomy and more decision-making by the Mapuches. After this process, in a year or two, we are going to determine whether having a dialogue with the government meant dancing to the tune of the Concertación or whether it allowed us to lay the foundations for a different kind of relationship.What could be different in this new stage is that as a movement, we could be capable of putting the issues on the table, defending them and create, in some way, important changes. Forcing the government and state to change part of their agenda and incorporate our issues will depend in much extent on the political aptitude and mobilization that we have, but we’ll determine this after seeing what we’re capable to do in 2007.
[Latinamerica Press]This page printed from:

Wednesday, January 28, 2009

St Lucia’s Judicial System: Heading in the right direction?

As a sign of the times, the influenced of some legal aspect of the American System and his evolution based on science and technologist develop is a debate between lawyers and lawmaker in caribbeans countries seeking the "English Common Law". Today is critical, because the law and the legal system have a directly economy impact in the caribbean integration and the changes needed in the socioeconomy infraestructure of caribbeans countries to afford a juridical personality in the international community. This article is the evidence of a transition at the level of institution and "DE FACTO" infraestructure in the caribbeans.Gualterio Nunez Estrada, Sarasota, Florida.

THE STAR ONLINE.St. Lucia.Caribbean.

"If we can depoliticize the Caribbean courts, it would be a good thing for us . . . you must have heard of the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice, yet still we have to depend on the courts in England, for the normal hierchical structure we had in the past—we don’t have the confidence enough to have our case heard and determined in the Caribbean,” he said He also pointed to the political interference involved in the appointments within the courts."

"A young prosecutor who would prefer to remain anonymous admitted that even she has no faith in the system. Apart from the lack of resources and poor investigative techniques, battling “white collar crimes” has also been a challenge for the St Lucia courts. According to the 2008 report by Attorney General Nicholas Frederick, he admitted that an agency within his Ministry has investigated 60 suspicious financial transactions during 2008 but they have not been successful in prosecuting the perpetrators."

The completed history here:

Haiti, the poorest nation in America need international community support for debt cancellation.

Coming to the rescue of Haiti Published on: 1/27/09.
HAITI, as the poorest nation in the Caribbean-Latin America region, is attracting increasing support to secure cancellation of its estimated US$1.5 billion
(BDS$3 billion) external debt, with current debt service payments costing it between US$50 million to US$80 million annually.
Earlier this month, the World Bank rejected a recent appeal from the Barbados-based Caribbean Policy Development Centre (CPDC) – umbrella body of the network of regional non-governmental organisations – for cancellation of Haiti's external debts, servicing of which is simply unsustainable.
Hurricanes and other natural disasters in 2008 have worsened its nightmare of poverty, and international NGOs have been intensifying their lobbying effortsfor governments and the international financial institutions to include that Caribbean nation among priority cases for special and urgent treatment.
As CARICOM's most populated and poverty-stricken member state of some eight million, Haiti needs concerted action by governments and civil society organisations to engage in sustained lobbying initiatives to secure cancellationof its external indebtedness.
Last year, when it finally made some progress in compliance arrangements for accessing the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME), it also became the newest non-borrowing member of the Caribbean Developoment Bank (CDB).
It currently benefits from minimal grant aid for people-focused projects which the bank rightly acknowledges can hardly make any significant difference to the country's challenging endemic poverty.
Latest efforts by the region's NGO networks are designed to secure urgent attention from the Barack Obama administration in Washington to include Haiti as one of its priority cases among foreign nations for humanitarian assistance and, hopefully, followed by the more substantial issue of debt cancellation.
In this context, noted West Indian economist and social commentator Dr Norman Girvan has included Haiti among a five-point "Caribbean wish list for President Obama" in which he has placed debt cancellation as a core requirement.
Girvan feels that the Obama administration should "undertake full and unconditional cancellation of Haiti's bilateral debt to the USA"; and also for the US to use its influence with other bilateral and multilateral donors,including the World Bank, to do the same.
Haiti's battle to deal with its challenges resulting from recent natural disasters, that have worsened problems of hunger, poverty and crime, as well as difficulties in honouring debt payments, are expected to be among agenda issues for this week's meetings of CARICOM ministers of financeand planning and for action by the community's heads of government

Air Jamaica drops Miami route but manteing Havana destination."JAMAICAN OBSERVER"

An Air Jamaica plane at the Norman Manley International Airport in Kingston. (Observer file photo)
AIR Jamaica, the national airline, will begin dropping some routes next month, including its previously popular flights to the United States city of Miami, affectionately called 'Kingston 21'.

National airline moves to cut US$170 million in losses
PATRICK FOSTER , Observer writer fosterp@jamaicaobserver.comWednesday, January 28, 2009

"Air Jamaica's new schedule has 218 weekly flights to 14 destinations between Jamaica and Toronto, New York, Chicago, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Orlando, Fort Lauderdale, Curacao, Nassau and Havana. The airline will also offer service between New York and Barbados and New York and Grenada."

"With these changes the airlines fleet will be reduced to nine aircraft, the appropriate number required to effectively operate the new schedule," said the Air Jamaica statement. It added that the airline would also restructure existing leases and negotiate aircraft returns to accomplish this result."


Galveston's Mayor delegation to Cuba to improve cooperation in hurricane season.

"The Cubans could have helped warn Galveston about the 1900 Storm, but three weeks before it made landfall, the federal government banned all meteorological information coming from the island."

Thomas to lead delegation to Cuba

Published January 28, 2009

Hurricane Ike smacked the Caribbean island of Cuba twice before rolling on to Galveston.

Although seven Cubans died during the storm, 2.6 million people — 23 percent of the island’s population — evacuated out of harm’s way.

Just three days later, 40 percent of Galveston’s 57,000 residents prepared to weather Ike’s wrath in their homes.

Across Texas, Louisiana and Arkansas, 20 people died during the storm.

Despite the national policy of silence toward the tiny communist nation, America’s coastal communities have something to learn from the Cubans, some say.

Later this year, Mayor Lyda Ann Thomas will lead a delegation of regional officials to Cuba to find out if Galveston could improve its hurricane response by emulating any part of the Cuban plan.

The Washington, D.C.-based Center for International Policy, which is organizing the trip, asked Thomas to join the delegation because Galveston and Cuba were twin victims of Ike, said Wayne Smith, a senior fellow at the center and director of its Cuba program.

“We have our differences to be sure,” he said, alluding to the ongoing tensions between the United States and Cuba. “But both of us are in the path of these hurricanes that seem to be increasing in size, intensity and number. How can we cooperate? How can we better help one another in these circumstances?”

This year’s trip is the third in a series of meetings between Cuban and American officials the center has organized. In 2007, Cuban officials joined political leaders from Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama in Monterey, Mexico.

In 2008, the group made its first visit to Cuba to visit the country’s meteorological service and meet with medical response teams.

Thomas, who has never been to Cuba, said she was interested to see what Cuba’s hurricane experts had to say.

Cuba’s expertise in dealing with hurricanes dates back to around 1900, when the country established the first hurricane observation network.

The Cubans could have helped warn Galveston about the 1900 Storm, but three weeks before it made landfall, the federal government banned all meteorological information coming from the island.

Thomas and her fellow delegates will publish a report on their findings when they return to the United States.

Although the trip’s dates have not been finalized, it likely will take place in April, she said.

The trip is being funded by the The Atlantic Philanthropies, a New York-based organization that provides grants to groups that work with disadvantaged and vulnerable people.

Tuesday, January 27, 2009

Influence of the psichology of dependance and slavery in the economy of caribbeans countries..

Overcoming smallness - Key to improving the lot of the Caribbean people

Sunday January 04 2009

As the countries of the Caribbean Community and Common Market (Caricom) enter a new year, their greatest challenge is overcoming smallness.

This observation applies as much to Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago with their respective populations of 2.8 million and 1.04 million, as it does to St. Kitts/Nevis and Antigua and Barbuda with populations of 50,000 and 80,000.

“Smallness” is not just a matter of physical size, it is also psychological. There are countries in the world whose physical size is much smaller than many Caribbean countries, yet they are more prosperous economically.

The obvious examples are Singapore and Malta; the latter now a member of the European Union (EU).

Some Caricom countries such as Guyana and Belize are also physically large – it is often forgotten that Guyana, with 214,970 square kilometres (83,000 square miles) is larger than England whose size is 130,410 square kilometres (about 49,000 square miles).

The psychological impact of smallness shows itself in two ways in most Caribbean Community countries.

The first, and most debilitating, is the fear of each other – a fear manifested in diverse ways, but most particularly in the movement of people amongst themselves, but, there is also a fear of investment by nationals of one Caricom country in the economy of another.

So, throughout several countries there is a secretive discourse within their societies about being “swamped” by an inflow of both people and investment.

Paradoxically, large swaths of prime property are being purchased in almost every Caribbean country by European and North American nationals who are also investing in the commanding heights of the economy such as financial services, oil, gold mining, gas, bauxite, and forestry.

And, there is nary a word of protest or a ripple of concern about this alienation of property into non-Caribbean hands.

I fully recognise the absolute need for foreign investment in the Caribbean on fair and equitable terms with all the rights and obligations that should be firmly linked to such investment.

The point I make here is that while non-Caricom investment should be encouraged and promoted, Caricom investment should be accorded similar, if not better treatment.

Indeed, I go further to say that the Caribbean Community is moving far too slowly to complete the arrangements for a single market and economy and that the underlying reason for this inordinate delay is the irrational fear that each has – at the level of governments, some businesses and sections of the population – that they will be overrun by other Caricom governments, businesses and people.

On the investment side, there is the unspoken fear that investors from Trinidad & Tobago and, to a lesser extent Jamaica, will exercise undue influence on the economies of smaller countries.

While this fear either delays or stops investment from these Caricom partners, Eastern Caribbean governments are cutting each other’s throats to lure non-Caricom investors – nowhere more telling than in the cruise ship industry.

I suspect in the coming months this fierce rivalry will extend to the airline industry as governments compete to offer airlines subsidies to favour their island over another in order to sustain their national tourist industry.

In the course of all this, both the individual countries and the entire region lose their autonomy and make themselves poorer.

The second fear manifested by smallness relates to Caricom countries’ perception of themselves in relation to larger countries, particularly those in Europe and North America.

There appears to be an inbuilt notion that Caribbean countries can not stand up to these countries because they are too small and any daring that they display would be met by swift victimisation.

The most glaring example of this is the capitulation to the EU by the Caribbean countries over the controversial Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) which was signed last year. Confronted with a gun at their heads and the demand that they either sign the full EPA or see high tariffs placed on their crucial exports, every single Caribbean country caved in.

They did not consider for a moment joining together to stand up to the EU. The prevailing refrain was that they each had no choice.

Indeed, some of them did have no choice – the ones without choice were those that, over the years of the evolution of Caricom, failed to integrate their industries and production into pan-Caribbean entities and, instead, maintained marginal local enterprises highly dependent on the EU market. They created the conditions under which the EU could threaten them and they had no choice but to succumb.

One would have thought that out of that bitter experience would have come the recognition and the resolve not to so expose themselves again and instead to integrate their enterprises and their resources in such a way that they could turn elsewhere if threatened by an external country or group of countries. Instead, it has been business as usual, and it has been business as usual because of fear number one – the fear of each other.

If Caribbean countries can overcome the fear of each other and combine their resources – human, natural, and physical – they need not so readily capitulate to those countries more economically powerful than they are individually.

The region is well endowed: oil, gas, bauxite, gold, diamonds, forestry, abundant agriculture, tourism and international financial services.

Additionally, it has a fairly well-educated population and a sound intellectual pool having produced four nobel prizewinners, secretaries-general of the Commonwealth, the African-Caribbean-Pacific Group, and the Association of Caribbean States, deputy secretaries-general of the UN, UNCTAD and UNDP.

The conjoining of these resources will give the Caricom area the confidence to face the world fearlessly and the capacity to negotiate better than they do, but first the region must overcome the irrational fear of itself that is an unfounded product of smallness.

The first step is to complete the (single market and economy) and establish efficient machinery for its governance as a priority of action for the Caribbean people.Sir Ronald Sanders is a former Caribbean diplomat, now a corporate executive who publishes widely on small states in the international community. You may write to Sir Ronald Sanders at:

The above opinions are not necessarily those of the publisher, newspaper, its advertisers or employees.

In the caribbean, Haiti and Guyana occupy the bottom list of countries.

Reprinted from Caribbean Net News

Commentary: Come home, Haiti, to the legacy of your founding fathers!
Published on Saturday, January 24, 2009

By Jean H Charles

It is a fitting tribute to 233 years of the American Revolution, forty five years of America true black integration that culminate into the election of the 44th President, Barack Obama as the first black leader of the United States to call on Haiti the first black republic of the hemisphere to come home to the legacy of its heritage!

Jean H Charles MSW, JD is Executive Director of AINDOH Inc a non profit organization dedicated to build a kinder and gentle Caribbean zone for all. He can be reached at: jeanhcharles@aol.
Haiti, the past champion of human liberation against the bondage of slavery, discriminates against its rural population in the area of social, economic and political sphere. It discriminates against its Diaspora in the social and political dimension. It discriminates also against the mulattoes in the political context.

Starting with the mulattoes, Haiti at the beginning was composed of a white minority, a large mulatto’s contingent and a much larger black population. To win its independence, Haiti founding fathers not only destroyed the majestic sugar plantations, the staple of the colonial empire, Jean Jacques Dessalines went into a human rampage at the dawn of the creation of the nation, sacrificing all the white people he could found, saving only, the priests and the doctors. Those who could escape left in haste for Louisiana via Cuba bringing with them some faithful black servants who would create the Creole culture of New Orleans.

Henry Christophe, who rules the northern part of the country as king, after the assassination of Dessalines by his brethren, commandeered the second genocide of world history (the first being the quasi elimination of the Indians in the Caribbean by the Spanish Conquistadors). Under the pretext that he could not trust the mulattoes to become loyal citizens of Haiti after the scourging struggle towards independence, he ordered the killing of all the mulattoes, including women and children, from Gonaives, the center of the country to Cape Haitian in the northern part of Haiti. In fact, two hundred years later, there are very few mulattoes left in that part of the country.

Alexandre Petion, the third president of Haiti, was to lead a long line of light skin presidents who gave the country a direction of discriminatory practices against the large black population who flew into the mountains to take up residence after the independence. A century later, the fame writer, Jean Price Mars was one of the first voices to urge the need to create a nation that should be hospitable to all. He was not successful politically in creating a sentiment of a shared vision of the future in Haiti. His indigenous movement was corrupted soon by the noirisme culture that took in the rein of the government in 1946 with President Dumarsais Estime ending some one hundred forty years of mulattoe ruling (there was of course a sprinkle of black presidents such as Faustin Soulouque, Vilbrun Guillaume Sam and others).

From a politics of hospitality mostly to the mulattoes, Haiti became a country where the few blacks that belong to the right clan could pretend to speak on behalf of and for the majority of the masses in appropriating for themselves most of the national and international resources. Those black leaders have also imposed a de facto imposition against the mulattoes occupying higher political position in the Haitian strata. They can enjoy economic advantages, they may run but they shall not win and if they win they shall not serve. This practice that now lasted sixty years has almost destroyed the social and the economic fabric of the Haitian society. Taking a snapshot from the story of Iraq after the American occupation, as described by Sam Dagher in the New York Times we can post this vignette to get a true picture of the situation in Haiti. “The machinery of democracy is gilding corruption, internal rivalries and an intense political instinct that regards elected office as a chance for a bigger cut” of national and international resources for one’s partisans and friends to the detriment of the needs of the population as a whole.

Haiti practices this same discriminatory policy against its Diaspora. A force strong of some 2 million people, it sends more than one billion dollars in remittance to the country every year. It has some of the best intellectual luminaries that shine in the industry and in the arts abroad. It is loyal to the motherland, ready to serve in good and bad times yet the imposition against running for political position is inscribed in the Haitian Constitution and in the ethos of the Haitian mind. The term Diaspora in Haiti is almost synonymous with an insult. He is someone who can be taken advantage of, without recourse or remorse. In the area of social and political sphere he is an outcast who should return to his residence abroad as soon as he has been deprived of his asset brought into the country.

Finally, rural Haiti is discriminated against, by the government by the civil society as well as by the international helping agencies. The 565 rural counties of Haiti have no roads, no electricity, no running water, very little governmental presence and no hope of receiving earmark assistance in the near future. The Haitian culture and the Haitian economy rest on the backbone of the Haitian peasant yet he has no recognition from and no respect for that contribution. He is used and abused only at electoral period to support demagogic and charismatic leaders who have no intention of providing a minimum comfort and welfare to his situation.

The Haitian peasant is courageous, willing to work, and industrious. It should not be that difficult to help him with a minimum of support to agriculture production and to art-craft marketing to arrive to an income of $500 per month or $6,000 per year against the actual $260 per year of today. The discriminatory policies of the Haitian government and of most of the other actors prevent the initial baby steps to such a renaissance. Haiti is now the cradle of the doctrine: “you are on your own” best exemplified by the slogan of its own President: “nagé pou soti" or "swim to get out.”

The whole world is going into rough times these days, yet time is changing for the better for the United States, it has won the Civil Rights Revolution that completed the American Revolution of 1776. By contrast, the French Revolution of 1789, the Haitian Revolution of 1804, the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the Cuban Revolution of 1959 are still in search of their Martin Luther King and their Barack Obama to complete their revolution for the benefit of all the people of their country. (The Chinese Revolution of 1949 has succeeded to lift the condition of some 800 million peasants from squalor condition to middle class status. This transformation though has an enormous price. It is without the benefit of individual rights and it has caused the death of some 30 million Chinese people.)

In the Caribbean, Haiti and Guyana occupy the bottom list of countries with a low index of indices of good living for their population. It is also indicative that those two countries, where discriminatory policies are a staple of their society and of their government praxis, are lagging in their economic development.

Come Home Haiti to the genie of these twenty five men that occupy the National Frontispiece! They dared to defy the world order of slavery by liberating not only Haiti but the rest of the world from the scourge of inhumanity!

Barack Obama, the disciple of the beloved community prone by Dr Martin Luther King, should know where to put his scalpel to help in the fixing of the Caribbean, even if it hurts for the present, the future cannot be but brighter for the region once it practices the politics of hospitality towards all.

Copyright© 2007-2008 Caribbean Net News at All Rights Reserved
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Monday, January 26, 2009

Edwidge Danticat: "Brother, I am Dying", book of anger and injustice in Haiti.

Edwidge Danticat
Brother, I am Dying
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007, 272 pp.

Reviewed by Ian Bethel Bennett

Ian Bethel Bennett is Associate Professor of English Literature at the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras campus. He specialises in Cultural Studies, Caribbean Literature and Literature of the British Commonwealth. His current research interests include youth, masculinities, HIV and gender-based violence. He has recently completed a degree in International Trade Policy at the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados. His work examines the impact of ‘Free Movement’ in the CSME: The Case of Haitians in the Bahamas’.

Mode soufle where those who are most able to obliterate you are also the only ones offering some illusion of shelter and protection, a shred of hope—even if false—for possible restoration.”

Edwidge Danticat, Brother, I’m Dying

Perhaps Edwidge Danticat’s title is an indication of the pain embedded in the book and the experiences it recounts. But if the title reveals an idea of death and gloom, the narrative quickly dispels this notion. It is a eulogy that crosses the line and becomes a way of speaking about the life of a family and the huge impact that family has on the writer without the memoir ever becoming morbid or overly dark. The shawl of darkness, so often associated with death and Haiti, is dropped and a light that creates possibility through hope shines through (lespwa fe vivre). Danticat blends colors and flavors with feelings to speak of her personal loss in the most public way possible. The situation in Haiti is personal but also transcends the personal to show readers how hope may make a difference. And in the end, the power of forgiveness shines through.


The opening epigraph to my review is just one of the gems that Danticat leaves us with in her account of human suffering and determination, betrayal and faith—blind faith that knows no bounds that she captures in the Creole phrase Nou led, Nou la. For readers who have experienced loss in one form or another, Danticat’s prose spurs painful recollections of loss and love. But along with sorrow, the book also provokes anger, particularly for those from the Caribbean who know well the plight of Haitians at home and in the United States. It stirs contempt, disdain, and loathing of a situation that is doomed to failure. Brother, I am Dying evokes anger at injustice and betrayal. However, it also demands that we throw off the cloak of poisonous stagnation inherent in anger by illuminating the embers of humanity that stubbornly rise out of every failed coup, every botched military occupation, each impotent political intervention that only encourages more murder and exploitation—as the words above illustrate.


Brother, I am Dying takes pages from history, eye witness accounts, documents, reports and policies and weaves these with first-hand experience that result in an artfully textured and highly nuanced rendering of Danticat’s life in Haiti and the USA. Recounting the story of her family in Haiti and in the USA with such precision, Danticat leaves very little out, and yet no description seems overloaded. She recounts her parents’ separate departures for the US and her life in Haiti with her brother, Bob, in the home of her paternal uncle, Joseph, and his wife. Danticat reveals the inner workings of her family life as Uncle Joseph adopts other children, opening his heart and home to them and to his community in Bel Air. The story line elucidates the hardships and disappointments of occupation and elections in Haiti through the tale of family and loss. Danticat leads the reader expertly down roads through Bel Air and New York, through the intricately connected lives of her father, Mira, and her uncle, Joseph, to her own life and the birth of her daughter. She also highlights the turmoil in Haiti around this period in their lives, as her uncle leaves chaos and certain death in Haiti only to be confronted with inhuman treatment and death in the US. This is also overbearingly public, as we realize the delicate nature of life. The public world of “human rights,” administered without humanity, is strikingly revealed in a most private way to her reading audience.


Danticat orchestrates a masterful balance of documentary exactitude and memoir, involving the reader in a deeply private world of family, suffering and personal loss. Her account chronicles her love for, and the loss of, her uncle who meticulously recorded the events of his daily life, perhaps passing this on to her. However, this loss, and her recounting of it, is intertwined with another narrative of two brothers who love one another and are struggling to keep their families together. In this regard, this memoir is also about Danticat’s love for her father and his impending death from lung disease. The relationship between Danticat’s father and uncle is intense, though never actually written as such; the reader only witnesses these most personal exchanges through their interactions by phone and in letters. The respect and love Danticat holds for these men brings tears to our eyes as we recall our own families. Joseph Danticat is a man of tremendous honor and stature, a beacon to those floundering in the dark of self-doubt and aimlessness. His words, like those of the other characters involved, are filled with knowledge and lessons that life rarely offers us, even in our formal schooling. This humanity and love is indelibly inscribed on our mind’s eye as we read. By the end, the reader cannot help but be affected by the weight of what has transpired and the process of sharing in such intimate family experiences.


The reader leaves the book without feeling overly sad, which is an incredible feat considering the devastating topic of Haiti’s mounting social violence and such a tragic family tale. The extreme pain and loss pull the reader into the narrative reminding him how important familial relationships are; that relationships are a part of our selves, though often fraught with conflict and more often neglected—particularly in a North American context—and that they demand daily nourishment. It is the profundity of human relationships, of fraternal love and honor of elders that remains after the last page is turned.


That language can so utterly fail in a system stacked against Haitian asylum seekers is one of the more ghastly aspects of the narrative, particularly because it occurs in the context of entering that prides itself on its entrenched constitutional rights for all. The sentiments of George Orwell’s Animal Farm come to mind—all animals are equal but some animals are more equal than others. The revolution that sought to bring about equality has resulted in another systemic failure—embedded in the truth about the UN peace keeping mission in Haiti where soldiers kill, rape, pillage and effectively alter the balance of life. Horrifically, Joseph Danticat’s experience in the land of the free—where he is incarcerated in Krome Avenue Detention Center, despite a valid passport, US visa and family members eager to house him is as devastating as his final experience in Haiti. Ultimately, he dies in Jackson Memorial Hospital in the Home of the Brave; an eighty-one-year-old man is shackled in order to preserve the public good. Language has failed. How else can this be explained? Is it the schism between a largely Hispanic and Haitian underclass that allows such miscarriages of human justice? Human rights have obviously been decoupled from their human context.


The narrative is rich with potent images that naturally overwhelm the reader’s sensibilities. The images of totally misdirected betrayal and hatred leave us grieving for a nation in turmoil and a people denied possibility by “politrics” and mockery or mock-democracy. Danticat renders such a full description of Haiti and of life in exile that we are left hopeful despite the United Nations’ repeated failure and the US’s racist, xenophobic reactions to Haitian suffering—for which they are in small part responsible.


While the novel clearly illuminates the deeply dysfunctional interventions of international AID policies, it also highlights the thinly disguised racist underbelly of some US policies. However, it stops short of openly administering scathing criticism at the institutions and persons behind these policies. Rather, it provides empowering food for thought which leaves the reader actively re-evaluating earlier ideas of justice and the potential of assistance from agencies such as the United Nations.


The beauty of the sentiment that fills this work is incomparable. Danticat could have reduced the narrative easily to an angry tirade against an inhuman system. But readers are left with a work of literary superiority that is not lofty or pretentious. One sign that a writer has succeeded in reaching their reading audience is when the material, though emotionally charged, still reaches through to us. There is a simple and undeniable reverence for elders and life that is passed from writer to reader. Not only does the audience read about the intricacies of life in Haiti, New York and Miami (though the focus is undeniably on Haiti), the awful turn of events for Joseph Danticat and his family, the ups and downs of separation and re-acquaintance for Danticat and her family; they feel them. The writer draws the reader into the horrors as the characters experience them.


While some readers may be painfully aware of the plight of the Haitian people, this memoir, or as Danticat refers to it Nous-moir or Us-moir, cements the true nature of their suffering in the reader’s conscience. The sorrow and pain, horror and discomfort, joy and hope make the book a must read. It brings to mind the works of Jacques Stéphen Alexis’ General Sun, My Brother and Jacques Roumain’s Masters of the Dew in its Haitianness and its critique of the nightmare of international intervention that perpetuates dictatorship. This is an astounding non-fictional work of art that lures the reader into dreaming of the possibility of a future without such atrocity. This is a deftly balanced account that sheds light on the politics of the United States and Haiti, the real costs of the UN Peace keeping mission in Haiti, and the impact of all the interventions over the past century on a people set adrift by international AID projects and impenetrable, seemingly irreversible, corruption.


One element that catapults the book into a sphere of its own, away from many other diasporic renderings of home and exile, is the dismantling of the shroud of the American dream and the possibility and equality heralded therein. Danticat achieves this in an absolute way by exposing the horrific functioning of an immigration system that has been encouraged to act practically unilaterally and disproportionately in the wake of recent events of 9/11. Human rights and individual freedoms are the realm of the few rather than the right of the many. This book, in its simple and personal way, belies the profound fraud of a great deal of what people see as positive efforts to protect America’s borders. Yet, Brother, I am Dying simultaneously marks the beginning of possibility with the birth of a new generation of Haitians in the America.

"ANTHORIUM", a caribbean studies journal, volume 6, issue 1, Spring 2008, ISSN 1547-7150, Coral Gable, florida, publisewhd by University of Miami.

Dead Zones near caribbean sea in dramatic expansion.

Dramatic Expansion Of Dead Zones In Oceans Likely With Unchecked Global Warming

ScienceDaily (Jan. 26, 2009) — Unchecked global warming would leave ocean dwellers gasping for breath. Dead zones are low-oxygen areas in the ocean where higher life forms such as fish, crabs and clams are not able to live. In shallow coastal regions, these zones can be caused by runoff of excess fertilizers from farming. A team of Danish researchers have now shown that unchecked global warming would lead to a dramatic expansion of low-oxygen areas zones in the global ocean by a factor of 10 or more.

Whereas some coastal dead zones could be recovered by control of fertilizer usage, expanded low-oxygen areas caused by global warming will remain for thousands of years to come, adversely affecting fisheries and ocean ecosystems far into the future.

Professor Gary Shaffer of the Niels Bohr Institute, University of Copenhagen, who is the leader of the research team at the Danish Center for Earth System Science (DCESS), explains that "such expansion would lead to increased frequency and severity of fish and shellfish mortality events, for example off the west coasts of the continents like off Oregon and Chile".

Large extinction events

Together with senior scientists Steffen Olsen oceanographer at Danish Meteorological Institute and Jens Olaf Pepke Pedersen, physicist at National Space Institute, Technical University of Denmark, Professor Shaffer has performed projections with the newly-developed DCESS Earth System Model, projections that extend 100,000 years into the future.

He adds that "if, as in many climate model simulations, the overturning circulation of the ocean would greatly weaken in response to global warming, these oxygen minimum zones would expand much more still and invade the deep ocean." Extreme events of ocean oxygen depletion leading to anoxia are thought to be prime candidates for explaining some of the large extinction events in Earth history including the largest such event at the end of the Permian 250 million years ago.

Series of changes

Furthermore, as suboxic zones expand, essential nutrients are stripped from the ocean by the process of denitrification. This in turn would shift biological production in the lighted surface layers of the ocean toward plankton species that are able to fix free dissolved nitrogen. This would then lead to large, unpredictable changes in ocean ecosystem structure and productivity, on top of other large unpredictable changes to be expected from ocean acidification, the other great oceanic consequence of high atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations from fossil fuel burning.

Professor Shaffer warns that as a result, "the future of the ocean as a large food reserve would be more uncertain. Reduced fossil fuel emissions are needed over the next few generations to limit ongoing ocean oxygen depletion and acidification and their long-term adverse effects".

Journal reference:

  1. . Long-term ocean oxygen depletion in response to carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels'. Nature Geoscience, (in press)
Adapted from materials provided by University of Copenhagen, via EurekAlert!, a service of AAAS.
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University of Copenhagen (2009, January 26). Dramatic Expansion Of Dead Zones In Oceans Likely With Unchecked Global Warming. ScienceDaily. Retrieved January 26, 2009, from­ /releases/2009/01/090125142118.htm

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In the caribbeans looks like the current leadership is not pro-integration".

Regional economy plan mired in crisis

Barbadian Prime Minister David Thompson, who has lead responsibility with CARICOM for CSME, has warned of changes in his country's immigration policy that would give employment preference to Barbadian nationals, a position contrary to the Revised CARICOM Treaty that governs the CSME.
Barbadian Prime Minister David Thompson, who has lead responsibility with CARICOM for CSME, has warned of changes in his country's immigration policy that would give employment preference to Barbadian nationals, a position contrary to the Revised CARICOM Treaty that governs the CSME.

BRIDGETOWN, Barbados, January 23, 2009 - Even as Caribbean countries hope to present a more united front to confront the region's growing economic woes, the current global recession has made the complex transition much harder, experts have warned ahead of a special summit in Barbados at month-end.

The meltdown has prompted some Caribbean countries to announce their own economic stimulus packages. Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretary General Edwin Carrington recently warned the crisis was "a very serious one" and that the region was not going to escape its impact.

"The question is how can we minimise it," he told reporters.

In 1973, Caribbean countries signed the Treaty of Chaguaramas reforming their free trade association, known as CARIFTA, into CARICOM, with a common market as a key part.

The new arrangement was intended to improve standards of living and work, accelerate economic development and expand trade and economic relations both inside and outside the bloc, while enhancing international competitiveness.

A new version of the treaty in 2000 encompassed the desire to transform the common market into a single market and economy - the CSME - in which goods, services and labour would move freely.

Last weekend, former secretary general of the Association of Caribbean States Norman Girvan, an expert on the development of a single regional economy, described a lack of "enthusiasm" towards the integration process.

"Our leaders are not prepared to take a qualitative leap into collective sovereignty and until and unless they are willing to do that, we are going to continue in a state of paralysis and go into a state of more and more fragmentation," he said.

Michael Howard, an economics lecturer at the University of the West Indies (UWI), stressed that the present global economic crisis could seriously undermine the CSME.

"The Caribbean economies are not complementary in a way which would enhance an integration movement. Each economy seems to look outside to some other support system. What one finds is a problem of market failure," he said.

The January 31 special summit in Barbados is being preceded by at least four high-powered meetings involving regional technocrats, central bank governors and ministers of finance and comes amid calls for a new governance structure for conducting the business of the 15-member CARICOM grouping and the future of the CSME.

The Caribbean leaders are hoping to have the CSME fully implemented by 2015. But recent pronouncements, even by its supporters, have raised eyebrows as to whether that can be achieved.

Barbadian Prime Minister David Thompson, who has lead responsibility with CARICOM for CSME, has warned of changes in his country's immigration policy that would give employment preference to Barbadian nationals, a position contrary to the Revised CARICOM Treaty that governs the CSME.

UWI lecturer in political science Dr Tennyson Joseph said the language coming from the Barbados administration "would lead one to conclude that the current leadership is not pro-integration". (IPS)

Choice Self Directed Healthcare launched an insurer for foreigner traveller to have universal healthcare attention in Cuba.

"Cira Garcia Clinic is a state of the art facility staffed by fully licensed and well trained physicians, nurses and support staff, providing international patients with an outstanding quality of care comparable to that at leading Canadian healthcare facilities "
"As an example of the more affordable treatments, a hip replacement costs $60,000 USD in the United States of America, but in Cuba the cost is $8,000 USD, a savings of 86%."

Choice Launches Medical Check-Up Program For Snowbirds Traveling To Cuba
Choice Self Directed Healthcare
, a leading medical tourism firm, has launched a new and innovative program that takes a proactive approach to managing your healthcare while on vacation in Cuba. In addition to the Medical Check-Up Services, Choice gives Canadian and American patients the option of going to Cuba and Costa Rica for quality medical care in the areas of Dental Surgery, Orthopedics, Cosmetic Procedures, Eye Care and Diagnostic Services at a significant cost savings. Choice also offers Drug & Alcohol Rehabilitation treatment in Cuba.
Prevention is vital for the preservation of your health. This systematic examination allows diagnosing possible diseases that, at their early stage, can be detected and treated
Cira Garcia Clinic is a state of the art facility staffed by fully licensed and well trained physicians, nurses and support staff, providing international patients with an outstanding quality of care comparable to that at leading Canadian healthcare facilities

Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada (PRWEB) January 26, 2009 -- Choice Self Directed Healthcare, a leading medical tourism firm, has launched a new and innovative program that takes a proactive approach to managing your healthcare while on vacation in Cuba.
For anyone planning a vacation to Havana, Cuba between now and April 30, 2009 please contact Choice Self Directed Healthcare to schedule a complete Medical Check-Up in the Cira Garcia Clinic, a leading healthcare facility in Cuba. The Medical Check-Up includes both an initial assessment and follow-up appointment with a specialist in Internal Medicine, Laboratory Investigations, Cardiology Investigations (Electrocardiogram) and Imaging Investigations (simple radiography of thorax). "Prevention is vital for the preservation of your health. This systematic examination allows diagnosing possible diseases that, at their early stage, can be detected and treated," said Daren Jorgenson, Founder of Choice. "Cira Garcia Clinic is a state of the art facility staffed by fully licensed and well trained physicians, nurses and support staff, providing international patients with an outstanding quality of care comparable to that at leading Canadian healthcare facilities," added Jorgenson.
The complete Medical Check-Up will cost international patients $350 CDN per patient and will include a copy of all test results and recommendations as explained by a specialist in Internal Medicine.
Choice Also Offers Complete Healthcare Services: In addition to the Medical Check-Up Services, Choice gives Canadian and American patients the option of going to Cuba and Costa Rica for quality medical care in the areas of Dental Surgery, Orthopedics, Cosmetic Procedures, Eye Care and Diagnostic Services at a significant cost savings. As an example of the more affordable treatments, a hip replacement costs $60,000 USD in the United States of America, but in Cuba the cost is $8,000 USD, a savings of 86%.
Drug & Alcohol Rehabilitation:In addition to medical check-ups and medical procedures, Choice also offers Drug & Alcohol Rehabilitation treatment in Cuba.
Drug and alcohol abuse are major health problems in North America, with many patients remaining untreated. In 2006, the National Survey on Drug Use reported 23.6 million Americans age 12 or over required treatment for alcohol or drug abuse. Of these, 2.5 million people received treatment at a specialty facility. In addition to this, the Canadian Community Health Survey found that 641,000 Canadians age 15 or over (or 2.6 percent of the nations household population) were dependent on alcohol while another 194,000 (0.8 percent) were dependent on illicit drugs.
Addictions Heavy Cost:Substance abuse exerts a heavy toll on society. A 2001 survey by Brandeis University in suburban Boston found that substance abuse costs the United States $414 billion USD annually. Alcohol use is the largest share of that cost at $166 billion USD. In addition, alcohol and drug abuse causes 120,000 deaths every year in the US. In Canada, drug and alcohol abuse costs the nation $40 billion CDN per year or $1,267 per resident, according to the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse.
Since it was established in the summer of 2007, Choice has served many Canadian and American patients to help them access high quality healthcare services. Canadian patients typically want to avoid long wait times. American patients are usually uninsured and often would be unable to afford proper care if these low-cost options were not available.
Cuba has had a major medical tourism program for more than 40 years.
To learn more visit or call toll-free 1-866-672-8284.
MEDIA CONTACT: To interview Daren Jorgenson, Founder of Choice, or a previous Choice patient, please contact us at info (at) choicemedicalservices (dot) com.

Sunday, January 25, 2009

Gaza the Holy Land of Jesuchrist today.

"For the sugar industry, in its plantation arrangement, made us afraid and ashamed of manual labour, and now plantation Stage Two – the tourist industry, confronts us with a new breed of human termite who sees this island as just another piece of real estate to [be sold to] the highest bidder. And what was once a recognisable society is being converted into a global service station," the author charged. (CT)BARBADOSNETNEWS.COM
Unequal exchange and the necessity of implementing the "Fair Trade" on trade between rich and poor is the main factor impeding the development of Caribbean countries held in slavery and colonization for centuries without any kind of repairs or moral or material from the most disadvantaged.
The most notorious case is Haiti, the poorest country in the land subject to be blocked during centuries by European powers that even its foreign debt forgiven him ...

One example is Cuba, until 1959 you could buy products from Europe and North America in Havana at the same prices as in Florida and sometimes much lower than in United States with very low rates of transportation and shipping throughout the Caribbean near the coast U.S..
As of March 1959 everything began to be more expensive than in North America inside Cuban market. The surcharge will increase, not only in Cuba, significantly to the birth of a new law on the international currency exchange in Switzerland in 1971 that frozen the money in a few hands and came to the present, a few miles from where the United States is, booming up the price of a toy, a doll that cost one hundred dollars in Kmart, bought in Sarasota, Florida, was sold on the illegal market of Dominican Republic by 600 dollars, with no guarantee or right of return for manufacturing problems by he customer.
In this way, without a political will of United States to do more than just laws, humanitarians regulation trade, the Caribbean countries have to survive as castaways third in the "Titanic" of the global economy.

The Caribbeans need to pay a lot more for everything, sometimes with lower quality, a few miles from the coast of United States, without any compensation or guarantee and they need to sell almost everything for pennies without benefit, social security, medical, dental and educational rigths. How it comes that they can afford any future in this condition, one step to sunk in the situation of Haiti in climatic change and economy crisis that will at least still became worst for five, at least, years or more? It is not a problem of more credit or a bank loan to Caribbeans countries, it is a problem to be discussed the root of this diseases inside the international community about justice, ethic and Fair Trade with ransparence in the international market relation. Gualterio Nunez Estrada, Sarasota, Florida.